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Oui, tout cela… au nom de quoi?

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Tout cela au nom de la justice! Si les crayons avaient davantage de place que la haine? Comme le rappelle encore Thierry Destrez op. La conclusion est votre temps fort: Votre texte ne comportera pas moins de 3 pages. Et puis les femmes ont fait. Et je repose ma question: Dans trente-six heures, il sera ici, et moi… Je prends ce soir le rapide de Paris-Karlsbad, qui nous conduisit jadis vers Bayreuth.

Toby le chien, et Toby le revolver. Mais elle devra en payer le prix: Picon also referred to this text. See the Preface, ix.

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UMI Research Press, , p. Architectural Archaeology and the Voyage Pittoresque In the previous chapter, the relationship between antique fragments and neo- classical motifs was analyzed. In this analysis, it was argued that the pragmatic use of Greco-Roman archaeology was related to the picturesque effects of the ruins which disseminated through paintings, engravings, and architectural drawings. Comparison of the different approaches to Roman ruins in the Renaissance and in the middle of the eighteenth-century showed how the antique motifs of neo-classical architecture were different from the antique motifs applied by the architects of the Renaissance.

It was argued that in the Renaissance the symbolic meaning of an architectural form overlapped with its geometrical and historical meaning. Humanistic thought did not posit a causal relationship between sensations and thoughts, and the theory of architecture occupied the same world as other productions of intellectual culture. The increasing formalism as a result of the relative autonomy of formal criteria in the eighteenth-century was the most significant difference of neo-classicism from the Renaissance.

Architectural theory supported the dependence of design on formal notions and drawings, and finally, at the end of the eighteenth-century, the graphic composition of antique fragments dominated architectural design. The emergence of the historical fragment is directly related to the change of intentions in architectural archaeology that has been feeding theory and practice since the s.

As discussed before, when the antique fragment was completely assimilated within architectural composition, as seen in the drawings of Durand, the picturesque effect of the fragment had disappeared.

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This was when architecture declared its complete autonomy from painting. There was no longer a Piranesi who could fascinate them with captivating archaeology, nor was there a need for it. Therefore, the archaeological works of the French architects also showed their architectural intentions, and it is essential to analyze some of these works to understand the transformation of the approach to the architectural fragment in the nineteenth-century. The architectural intentions behind archaeology differed from those of the nineteenth-century, but this difference was not due to change of attitude toward antiquity in the Academy.

It appeared silently and naturally, as a reaction to the reconstruction of antiquity during the peak of architectural archaeology.


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This change was latent and became evident only by the fact that the results of Greco-Roman archaeology became less and less influential on architectural theory in the first half of the nineteenth-century. The nineteenth-century architect was not attracted by the picturesque effect of the ruin per se; he loved what the ruin represented for him: In the nineteenth-century, when pensionnaires in Rome were reconstructing Roman monuments in the manner of Grand Prix projects, they were reconstructing historical buildings, but not discovering eternal values, given that they were emotionally distanced from the times of ancient monuments.

As these reconstructions became ends in themselves, romantic antiquity became a distant time in the past. It can be argued that by this time, picturesque effects of ruins had been replaced by the historicism of archaeological re-compositions, which lacked both the romantic and the sensationalist attachment of the former. Finally, when architectural archaeology extended beyond the Greco-Roman antiquity, it became clear that the new historical fragment was loaded with a sense of relativity of time and place.

The eighteenth-century architects did archaeology in a different mood. The excavations were relatively new and the Italian soil promised many new discoveries. Unlike their colleagues of the following century, eighteenth-century architects had imaginations that were provoked easily by the antique fragments, which they were eager to adopt in their designs. On the other hand, awareness of historical distance had put them under the spell of a romantic engagement with ruins, which enchanted them. The compositional possibilities created by these two schools helped to develop strategies that made possible the assimilation of historical elements — which were not necessarily classical - in the nineteenth-century.

The new attitude towards archaeology in the nineteenth-century coincided with the disenchantment with architectural ruins, which ceased at this time to be a romantic notion, at least for the architects.


Although the ruins of medieval architecture still impressed people like Chateaubriand,2 even the literary world was more interested in an idealized reconstruction of the local past, in its many details, than in the mysterious effects of its remnants. Piranesi made his own contribution to the evolution of the architectonic and archaeological restoration that developed from Brunelleschi, Sangallo, through Serlio, Palladio and Desgodets, until Canina, Klenze and Hittorf.

The peculiar antique settings that he created with techniques inherited from the hazy sketches of Juvarra, sharp perspectives of Bibiena and the ruins of Panini represented an imaginary Roman world in which ancient ruins were even more charming. Moreover, Piranesi showed architects the power of antique fragments in creating innovative designs. It can be said that he shifted archaeological restoration from being a source of classical orders, details and patterns, and from being an area of narrow interest of the antiquarians, and made it attractive for young architects as well as for the laymen.

Although the existence of good antiquarians like Winckelmann and Caylus, or enthusiasts like Cardinal Alessandro Albani, showed a high awareness for the values of antiquity at this time, for architects, neither the writings of the former group nor the commissions of the latter were as effective as the engravings of Piranesi.

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The scarcity of knowledge and images of an ancient world that extended from Syria to England provoked curiosity about the treasures in ruins. In the eighteenth-century, the ancient world to the south and east of Rome, including the modern kingdoms of Naples, Sicily and the Ottoman Empire, was less accessible to travelers because of problems with security, transportation, accommodation and communication.

It is enough to remember that in Desgodets was captured by the pirates while he was sailing to Italy and held for fifteen months. In a heart-breaking passage about his arrival in Agrigentum, Saint-Non told the reader that he was refused by everyone, including the people of his own consulate, and ended up in a bad granary with water-melon for supper and wheat chaff for a bed. In studying Herculaneum and Puzzolana, Cochin interpreted the frescos and Bellicard the ruins.

Calling for the protection of every piece that was found and advising being patient about speculation, Caylus showed the habits of a modern-day archaeologist. However, even he suggested that the publication of antique objects might help to improve the bad taste of artists. These images not only provoked the curiosity of the onlooker, but also admiration for the effects of the scenes.

The images of nature and of artifacts created associations between architectural and natural elements, such as the dreadful tranquility of a volcano, and that of a tomb. Moreover, the plans and sections that Houel gave with the same technique of light and shade invoked the possibility for producing similar effects in architecture. What was important for a voyage pittoresque was described: Everybody feels the usefulness and pleasure offered by the journeys which unite interesting descriptions with the even more seductive drawings of the different sites encountered.

It seems that the picturesque journeys owe their origin to these live impressions which fill the soul, and, having transmitted by the eyes, strike it strongly. For example, many travelers like Saint-Non and Houel were amazed by the size of the fragments of Greek ruins in Italy, which led them to see even the quarries as monuments.

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  • Moreover, since the time of Pliny, the effects of elements, such as the sea, the sky or the surrounding mountains and hills were part of the picture described by the travelers. The famous volcano Vesuvius that killed the uncle of Pliny and brought centuries of silence to Pompeii and Herculaneum also astonished these modern-day picturesque travelers. A volcano vomiting flame and death is a horribly beautiful image. The Restorations of the Pensionnaires It was stated above that the genre voyage pittoresque diffused images of peculiar, sublime effects of ancient and modern sites.

    The Academy in Rome had already chosen the middle way, and supported archaeology and romantic painting at the same time. This was a practical choice, given that all the efforts helped revival of antiquity in France. Therefore, the Academy encouraged more and more the studies of antiquity and gradually ignored modern architecture in Italy.

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    Here, it will be discussed how the French Academic system developed the architectural archaeology in the eighteenth-century, which was supposed to create the powerful effects of Greek and Roman magnificence seen in pictures. Just as engravings were a very important aspect of the voyage pittoresque, paintings of antique themes appear to have been a favorite genre that provoked curiosity. The links between the voyage pittoresque, the genre of ruin paintings, and Greco- Roman archaeology were powerful. In fact, it may be more correct to talk about a common source of inspiration rather than an interdisciplinarity, and it is essential to say that this source of inspiration was not the ancient world per se, but its appearance as seen through romantic archaeology.

    Both painters and architects were interested in appearances of buildings of the ancient world, and they mutually provoked the imagination of one another. Architects were present at archaeological sites for only architectural purposes. The total disappearance of the envois of the eighteenth-century students make it impossible to comment on the nature of the restorations made by the pensionnaires of the French Academy in Rome, lodged at the Palazzo Mancini at the time.

    In fact, the Grand Prix de Rome had a double purpose: Charles De Wailly, on the other hand, studied the Roman Baroque and was fond of Bernini, whose influence can be seen in his work at the church of Saint-Sulpice. From that time on, the restoration of the Roman buildings started becoming the sole purpose of the pensionnaires, and original design gradually lost its importance until it was reduced to a single envoi of a modern public monument, specified to be submitted in the fourth and last year by the regulation of and in the fifth year by the regulation of During the second half of the century, their restorations could not have been based on nothing more than the information that was available to Piranesi: For Comte de Caylus — , as for J.

    For them, the excavations no longer had the purpose of enriching the cabinets of the amateurs, but supplied new models for art. Moreover, architectural design at the time was inspired by various representations of the antique world, as stated by Hautecoeur: Among the ancient motifs used by architects were the large vaults of baths, bridges and palaces, the free-standing monuments like triumphal arches and obelisks, giant columns of temples and basilicas, and the tombs of the emperors.

    It is not surprising that these themes were also the main objects of the works of the pensionnaires. Already in the s, De Wailly, Moreau and Peyre had initiated large-scale restorations in their attempts to measure the Baths of Diocletian and Caracalla. According to Hautecoeur, this was at just the time when Peyre was studying the Villa Hadriana.